Insights & Commentary
•
Online manipulation / CIB / FIMI

Why "Social Listening" Tools Weren't Built for Your Job

Denis Starovoytov
25 Sep 26
•
5 min read

Most social media monitoring tools were designed to answer a marketing question: what are people saying about our brand? They surface top posts, sentiment scores, and follower counts. For a communications team tracking a product launch, that's often enough.

For a StratCom analyst trying to work out whether a spike in anti-vaccine content is organic or coordinated, it isn't. For an election observation mission tracking disinformation narratives across five platforms in the ten days before a vote, it isn't either. The gap isn't a matter of degree. It's a mismatch of purpose.

The scale of the coordination problem

The EU's own tracking gives a sense of how large this problem has become. Between December 2022 and November 2023 alone, the European External Action Service (EEAS) investigated 750 separate incidents of Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI) as part of its second annual threat report (EEAS, 2024). By its fourth report, the EEAS was mapping the operational backbone of these campaigns as an interconnected network of channels feeding regional hubs, with electoral processes remaining a primary target of Russian-linked FIMI activity - and noting that AI tools were involved in a growing share of the incidents detected in 2025 (EEAS / EUvsDisinfo, 2026).

The European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats (Hybrid CoE), the EU-NATO joint body based in Helsinki, frames the underlying challenge precisely: hybrid threats are coordinated, synchronised actions that deliberately target the systemic vulnerabilities of democratic institutions while exploiting the thresholds of detection and attribution (Hybrid CoE). That last part is the crux of it. These operations are built specifically to sit below the line that a brand-monitoring dashboard is designed to notice.

A tool built to count mentions has no framework for the question a StratCom or investigative team actually needs answered: is this organic or manipulated, is it part of a coordinated campaign, who is behind it, and how did it spread? Getting there requires network analysis - tracing which accounts function as the connective core of a cluster and which act as bridges between otherwise separate ones - not a sentiment score.

Election integrity: speed matters as much as depth

Elections compress this problem into a matter of days. The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) publishes dedicated guidelines for observing election campaigns on social networks, built specifically to help observers assess how online campaigning, content dissemination, political advertising and data practices affect the integrity of an electoral process (OSCE/ODIHR).

The European Digital Media Observatory (EDMO) - the EU-funded network bringing together fact-checkers, media literacy experts and academic researchers - monitored disinformation narratives through the 2024 European Parliament elections and the 2025 Romanian presidential run-off, and documented widespread inauthentic online behaviour: artificial amplification, algorithmic gaming, and coordinated manipulation used as standard campaign tools (EDMO, 2025). EDMO's own conclusion is blunt: metrics like likes and shares can no longer be taken at face value, and political reporting increasingly needs a forensic layer underneath it.

For an election observation mission or a democracy-support organisation, that forensic layer has to be structured and repeatable, not a folder of screenshots assembled under time pressure. The same monitoring frame - country, electoral event, timeline, key stakeholders - needs to run consistently across a campaign period so a spike on day three can be compared honestly to a spike on day thirty.

Research consistency, over time and across borders

Think tanks and research organisations face a quieter version of the same problem: comparability. A study on polarisation in one country is only useful next to a study in another if both were built on the same source model, the same keyword logic, and the same reproducible settings. Ad hoc exports and one-off scraping scripts don't survive that test, however good the initial analysis was.

Where regulators fit in

Digital Services Coordinators and other oversight bodies sit further along this same spectrum - their work depends on many of the same underlying capabilities, cross-platform data, structured evidence, auditable timelines, just applied to a narrower question: whether a platform's own moderation practice matches its stated policy. It's a real and growing use case, just not today's focus for most teams already stretched thin on the security, election and research side.

What supervisory-grade work actually requires

Across StratCom, election observation and research use cases, the shared requirement is the same: collection that spans platforms without living inside five different export formats, a structured registry of sources and accounts that survives staff turnover, AI-assisted narrative clustering rather than sentiment alone, and network views that show who is central and who bridges separate clusters - not just how many times something was shared.

Just as importantly, outputs need to survive scrutiny. A chart is not evidence. A structured, timestamped, exportable record is - the kind a situation room, a briefing, or a post-election review can actually build on.

Building for the actual job

Supervision, election integrity monitoring and FIMI investigation are not brand monitoring with higher stakes - they're a different discipline, with their own methodology, evidentiary standards and operational tempo. That's the problem worth building for.

Sources

1. EEAS - 2nd EEAS Report on Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference Threats (2024): https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/2nd-eeas-report-foreign-information-manipulation-and-interference-threats_en

2. EEAS / EUvsDisinfo - 4th EEAS Report on Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference Threats (2026): https://euvsdisinfo.eu/eeas-4th-fimi-threat-report-march-2026/

3. Hybrid CoE - Hybrid Threats as a Concept: https://www.hybridcoe.fi/hybrid-threats-as-a-phenomenon/

4. OSCE/ODIHR - Guidelines for Observation of Election Campaigns on Social Networks: https://odihr.osce.org/Observing_elections_on_Social_Networks

5. EDMO - Propaganda and Disinformation: Lessons from 2024/25 Elections in Europe (2025): https://edmo.eu/edmo-news/propaganda-and-disinformation-lessons-from-2024-25-elections-in-europe/

Denis Starovoytov
25 Sep 26
•
5 min read
Ready to
explore Trementum?

If you’d like to see how Trementum Platform could work on your data, we can prepare a live demo tailored to your use cases.